Tuesday, March 7, 2017

Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 4 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day

“Los Colombianos no están emocionalmente preparados para votar.”
Marta (seudónimo)

¡Esta clase se ha vuelto una aventura! No solo estoy desarrollando mi conocimiento sobre el conflicto en Colombia sino que también muchas otras destrezas como por ejemplo traducir de inglés a español. Mi destreza de realizar presentaciones también ha sido desarrollada en esta clase, he tenido que sacudirme los miedos y exponer ante todos mis colegas mi investigación sobre la justicia transicional en Colombia.

Este día analicé el conflicto desde 2 diferentes perspectivas, la perspectiva académica y la perspectiva artística.

La visita a la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana me permitió entender la dinámica de diferentes actores en el conflicto y como estos se relacionan. La consecución de paz en Colombia ha desafiado ideas que yo tomaba “for granted.” Viniendo de una familia católica, siempre he tenido la idea de que el rol de la iglesia es unir, pero en Colombia lo que la iglesia hizo fue dividir a la población en cuanto al voto en el referéndum.

El tour de grafiti en Bogotá me mostro algo que pocas veces tomamos en cuenta en la construcción de la paz: el rol del arte. El arte es una manera de expresarse y también la manera de rebelarse contra instituciones del gobierno. 

"Our north is the south"


¿Será que los monstruos que tantas veces son representados en el arte callejero no son en realidad animales míticos sino que individuos reales miembros del gobierno y FARC que por tantos años han aterrorizado al pueblo?

Mythical monsters


Gracias al trabajo de estos jóvenes encontré por primera vez el sonido de la paz y justicia: me suena a rebeldía. Pero también le encontré olor: me huele a rosas.




Para terminar con mi reflexión de este día, aún no se si quiero que paz y justicia se mire como Monserrate. Con lo anterior me refiero a que quiero que se vean tan hermosas con este lugar, pero no quiero que se vean tan altas y tan alejadas de la población… como esa cima de la montaña que es tan difícil de alcanzar. 

Monserrate 

Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 4



“Colombians are not emotionally prepared to vote.” 
Marta (pseudonym)

This class has become an adventure! I am not only developing my knowledge about the conflict but skills such as translating from English to Spanish. My skills of giving presentations are also being developed, I needed to forget my fears and present in front of my collages about my transitional justice in Colombia research . 

This day I analyzed the conflict through 2 different perspectives, the academic perspective, and the art perspective. 

I visited Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and it let me understand the dynamics of the different actors in the conflict and the relation between them. Peace in Colombia has challenged ideas that I took for granted. Coming from a Catholic family, I have always had the idea that the role of the Catholic Church is to unify people, however; in Colombia, I have learned that the church created a division influencing population's vote in the referendum. 

The graffiti tour in Bogota showed me something we often forget in peacebuilding: the role of art. Art is a way to express but also a way to rebel against governmental institutions.  

Maybe the monsters that are represented so many times in the street art are not representations of mythical animals but the representation of real members of the government and FARC that have terrified the populations for so many years? 

Thanks to the work of these young people I found for the first time the sound of peace and justice: It sounds to rebellion. But I also found the smell of peace and justice: It smells like roses. 

To conclude today’s reflection, I am not sure if I want peace and justice to look like Monserrate. With this, I mean that I would like peace and justice to look as beautiful as Monserrate, but I don’t want them to look as high and as far from the population… like a mountain summit that is so hard to reach. 



Sunday, March 5, 2017

Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 3 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 3

Bogotá me entra de manera diferente por la vista. Este día participé en el tour por la ciudad que nos llevó desde el hotel a lugares como Monserrate y Candelaria.

Bogota landscape


La vista desde Monserrate me dejo un sabor amargo en cuanto al tema de victimas del conflicto que han sido desplazados internamente. Bogotá tiene un aproximado de 10 millones, lo que significa que una tan sola ciudad en Colombia cuenta con más población que mi país entero (El Salvador). El guía turístico nos cuenta que en el año 2000 la población era de aproximadamente 4 millones, me asombré al pensar que en tan solo 17 años la población en Bogotá incremento a 10 millones.

“The nation is thankful with its peace funders in the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Wisconsin Treaty which put an end to the last civil war.” 1942. 


El sentido del tacto lo use con los pies al caminar por Candelaria, un vecindario totalmente diferente al de mi hotel. Al caminar en downtown Bogotá me encuentro con un letrero que dice “la nación agradecida a los fundadores de la paz en el cuadragésimo aniversario de la firma del tratado de Wisconsin que puso fin a la última guerra civil. ¿Última guerra civil? ¿Cuándo es correcto usar la palabra “última”? Colombia ha vivido en constante violencia y guerra desde su independencia. Los fundadores de la paz pensaron que 1942 era la última guerra que Colombia iba a sufrir, sin embargo, la violación de derechos de la minoría siempre desencadenará en rebeliones.

Elders working in the informal sector singing at the park
Elder working in the informal sector selling umbrellas


¿Será que los fundadores de la paz que firmaron el acuerdo de paz en 2016 también piensan que esta será “la última guerra civil”? Mi vista hoy día no vio gente elegante caminando por la calle, sino que vio a la población vulnerable con trabajos informales que no les darán los medios financieros necesarios para una vida digna. Cuando la población no recibe beneficios y sus derechos son violados, las rebeliones regresarán una tras otra vez. 


Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 3



I have internalized Bogota in a different way through my sight. This day I participated in a city tour that took us from the hotel to places such as Monserrate and Candelaria.  

The scenery of Bogota from Monserrate left me a bitter taste in regards to the internally displaced population. Bogota’s population is about 10 million, which means that only in the city of Bogota you can find more people that in my entire country, El Salvador. The tourist guide told us that in 2000 Bogota’s population was about 4 million. I got surprised that it took only 17 years to increase its population to 10 million. 

I used the sense of touch through my feet while walking in Candelaria, a neighborhood that is totally different to the neighborhood where my hotel is located. While walking in downtown Bogota I found a sign that says “The nation is thankful with its peace funders in the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Wisconsin Treaty which put an end to the last civil war.” Last civil war? When is it correct to use the word “last”? Colombia has faced constant violence since its Independence from Spain. The peace founders thought that 1942 represented the last war that Colombia would face, however; the violation of rights has resulted in rebellions. 


Maybe the peace funders that signed the 2016 peace treaty also think that this will be “the last civil war”? Today my sight did not see elegant people walking in the street, it saw vulnerable Colombians working in the informal sector. This kind of jobs will not give them the financial means for having a good life. When the populations do not get benefits and when their rights are violated, rebellions will come back over and over again. 

Saturday, March 4, 2017

Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 2 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 2

“No se puede condenar a alguien que ha hecho tanto bien a nuestro país.”
Activista Luisa hablando sobre militares con juicios pendientes en la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz

Me parece que el sentido más difícil de usar en cuanto al entendimiento de la paz y la justicia es el gusto. Este día Colombia ha tenido sabor a empanadas, pan dulce y café. Aún sigo buscando las maneras de entender paz y justicia con el gusto. Pero he dado un primer paso: cada vez que pregunto algo sobre el conflicto o los acuerdos de paz, el entrevistado traga profundo, ¿será que ese trago tiene un gusto amargo?

"Without youth, there is not post-conflict" 
Este día he visitado Usaquén y sus calles llenas de restaurantes y comercios informales, perfectos para comprar productos típicos que mantendrán fresco el recuerdo de Colombia en mi memoria. Pero hay algo que roba por completo mi sentido de la vista: un cartel que reza “SIN JUVENTUD NO HAY POSCONFLICTO” y un grupo de aproximadamente 10 personas que se oponen al acuerdo de paz. La conversación con los activistas se torna interesante: desacuerdo en cuanto a militares siendo enjuiciados por la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz, desacuerdo en cuanto a la participación política de FARC en el congreso, desacuerdo en cuanto a comandantes de FARC siendo incluidos a la vida civil. “Desacuerdo” fue una palabra importante en mi oración anterior, sin embargo; hay algo en lo que los activistas están de acuerdo: reinserción en la vida civil de miembros de FARC que son jóvenes y que fueron secuestrados cuando eran niños.

Escuchar las perspectivas de este grupo de activistas me muestra la división que existe en la sociedad colombiana. Hasta el momento he hablado con Colombianos que han “escogido un lado” pero no alguien neutral. Aunque existen mecanismos de reconciliación, el gobierno colombiano tiene un largo trabajo en la creación de  una cultura de paz ya que las experiencias y sufrimientos personales limitan el alcance de prácticas reconciliatorias. La cultura de resentimiento,producto de experiencias personales, es importante al analizar Colombia. La población ha sido dividida y ha escogido un lado en base, tomando en consideración las historias de los activistas y diferentes taxistas, a experiencias personales que incluyen el asesinato de un familiar, o la negación de un subsidio agrícola.


Simon Bolivar monument at Usaquen Park 
¿Cómo podemos lograr el sueño de Bolivar de una Latino América unida si ni siquiera hay unión a nivel doméstico/nacional? 


Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 2


“They cannot prosecute people that has done so much good to our country”
Luisa, activist talking about army forces being prosecuted by the Special Jurisdiction for Peace

I believe that the “sense” more difficult to use in regards to the understanding of peace and justice is the taste. This day Colombia has had the taste of empanadas, sweet bread, and coffee. I am still looking a way to understand peace and justice through the taste. However, I have given my first step: every time that I ask about the conflict or the peace accords, the interviewee swallows deep. Maybe it taste bitter when they swallow?

This day I have visited Usaquen and its streets have many restaurants and street vendors, a perfect place to buy crafts and traditional products that will keep fresh in my memory my experience in Colombia. There is something that took all my sight’s attention: a huge sign that says “without youth, there is not post-conflict” conducted by a group of 10 Colombians that opposed to the peace accord. The conversation with the activist resulted really interesting: disagreement in regards to the prosecution of the army by the Special Jurisdiction for Peace. I also learned about the disagreement of FARC in politics and reintegrating to civil life. “Disagreement” was an important word in my last sentence, however; there is something the activists agree with: reintegration of child soldiers.

Listening to the activists’ perspective showed me the division Colombian population has. Until now I have spoken with Colombians that chosen “a side” but I haven’t spoken with someone “neutral.” Even though Colombia has reconciliation mechanism, the Colombian government needs to work a lot in the culture of peace because the personal experiences and the suffering limits reconciliation. The culture of resentment is the result of personal experiences that every Colombian has suffered. Colombia is divided, people have chosen a side (at least the people I have spoken until now) based on personal experiences that include the murder of their family members or the denial of agricultural subsidies.


How can we achieve Bolivar’s dream of a united Latin America (regionally) if we can’t even unite individuals at the domestic level?

Friday, March 3, 2017

Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 1 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 1

“El verdadero enemigo es el gobierno.”
Rolando, conductor de taxis en Bogotá

Paz y justicia son palabra que he escuchado desde mi infancia, son palabras que uso a diario y, son palabras que los medios de comunicación presentan día con día. A pesar que paz y justicia son palabras que transcienden fronteras, clases sociales, idiomas y muchas otras barreras; su carácter abstracto lleva a cada uno de nosotros a entenderlas y utilizarlas de diferentes maneras. Mi definición, por ejemplo, desafía incluso la naturaleza abstracta; paz y justicia son términos concretos de carácter sensorial. La paz y la justicia se miran, se tocan, se escuchan, e incluso se saborean y se huelen.

Durante los últimos 7 meses he realizado investigaciones sobre el conflicto armado en Colombia. La primera etapa de mi investigación fue el análisis del conflicto para posteriormente iniciar la segunda etapa de mi investigación basada en los mecanismos de justicia transicional incluidos en el acuerdo de paz. Sin embargo, mi concepto sensorial de paz y justicia aún no hacian sentido. La mejor manera de concluir estas etapas era iniciando una tercera: viajar a Colombia para ver, tocar, escuchar, saborear y oler en tiempo real el periodo post conflicto. Esta oportunidad se hizo realidad por medio de University of San Diego Joan B. Kroc School of Peace Studies, el staff académico y administrativo, y una beca de apoyo financiero.


Este día inició muy temprano, a media noche para ser exactos. Luego de 16 horas de viaje desde San Diego, California, al fin aterricé en Bogotá. Me encuentro ansiosa por estar presente en la capital del país del que tanto he leído. A pesar de tener pocas horas acá, mis sentidos empiezan a ser usados. Don Rolando, mi taxista del aeropuerto hacia el hotel, me cuenta la historia de su familia que ha aplicado por años  a subsidios agrícolas sin tener éxito. Don Rolando también me cuenta sobre su desacuerdo al subsidio agrícola que será entregado a FARC. Me cuenta que el enemigo no es FARC, sino que el enemigo es el gobierno que sigue explotando al obrero con falta de incentivos económicos e incremento de impuestos. Mi vista se siente confundida ya que luego de caminar por unas cuadras en busca de señales del conflicto, aún no le veo. A Bogotá le veo linda, con sus edificios modernos, restaurantes prestigiosos y gente muy elegante caminando por las calles.


Aún hay mucho por descubrir, mis sentidos siguen ansiosos por entender Colombia. 


Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 1 

“The real enemy is the government”
Rolando, Taxi driver in Bogota

Peace and Justice are words that I have heard since my childhood. Those are words that I use daily, and those words are also used every day in media. Despite that peace and justice are words used all over the world, used by poor and rich, and used in every language; the abstract meaning of these words makes us all understand them and use them in different ways. My definition, for example, goes beyond an “abstract definition,” peace and justice are for me specific and sensorial terms. We can see, touch, hear, and even taste and smell peace and justice.

During the last 7 months, I have been doing research about the civil war and the peace process in Colombia. The first stage of my research was the conflict analysis. The second stage was the mechanisms of Transitional Justice in Colombia. However, my “sensorial concept” of peace and justice did not make sense. The best way of making sense of my sensorial concept was starting the third stage: traveling to Colombia to see, touch, listen, taste and smell in real time the post-conflict, the peace, and the justice. This is an opportunity that I have gotten through the University of San Diego Joan B. Kroc School of Peace Studies, the academic and administrative staff, and a scholarship to pay for my traveling expenses.

This day started really early, actually, it started at midnight. After 16 hours traveling from San Diego California, I finally landed in Bogota. Even though I have only a few hours here, my senses have started to be used. Don Rolando, my taxi driver from the airport to my hotel tells me about his family struggle while asking for agricultural subsidies that were always denied. He also tells me that he disagrees with the agricultural subsidies that FARC members will get. He tells me that the enemy is not FARC per se but the government. The government does not give financial help to civilians but they do increase taxes.


My sight is confused because after walking for some blocks in Bogota I cannot see the conflict. I think Bogota is beautiful, it has nice buildings, fancy restaurants, and people wearing elegant clothes in its streets. I have a lot to explore, my senses cannot wait for understanding Bogota. 

Friday, July 8, 2016

Education for Development. What Central America Needs to Develop.

The criteria to classify a country as a developed country or a developing country revolves around their Gross Domestic Product and the Human Development Index. Taking these criteria into consideration, the World Bank has created a list of more than 100 developing countries. Considering that the United Nations is formed of 193 countries, having more than 100 developing countries in the world is alarming. Developing countries face numerous problems such as unemployment, corruption, economic inequality, and a wide external debt. With the aim of solving these problems, developing countries are investing a large amount of their national budget in actions such as signing free trade agreements, opening the borders to foreign investment, and asking for international cooperation to construct facilities. However, many international organizations suggest that developing countries should invest in education and consider it as the best way to achieve development in the long term.

Developing countries are constantly signing free trade agreements with developed countries. Governments and economy ministries of the developing countries do this with the objective of selling their products in a market in which people have better purchasing power to buy the products even if they are expensive. The regulations will be the same for the 2 parties in the agreement but competition of products will not be equal because their capabilities are not the same. The developed country’s products are often of better quality than the products of the developing country, which means that consumers will prefer the developed countries’ products. In addition, developing countries’ products are crops and farm products that hardly can compete with the technological products of the developed countries. What is the best way to turn the developing countries’ farm products into technological products? The answer is: through education. It is not the same to plant some crops as to create a new model of computer. Nationals of the developing countries must acquire the knowledge that will lead them to an industrial production of products that can compete in equal conditions with developed countries products. A Free Trade Agreement will be useful and fair until there´s equality in the capacity of competition between trade parties.

Developing countries are trying to attract foreign investment with the objective of increasing job opportunities for their nationals. But to be attractive for investment, developing countries must give privileges to the foreign companies, such as tax privileges. Many companies investing don’t need to pay import and goods taxes, and there is no customs control for their goods and services. We can find a trend in the developing countries which is that even though foreign investment provides job opportunities, these companies stay in the developing countries just for a few years. Now is the time to ask ourselves: why the foreign companies are leaving? It is because they don’t find qualified personnel to perform tasks the job demands. Developing countries nationals don’t have the knowledge and competencies to perform activities that demand a certain degree of specialization. They do not have this knowledge because their governments are not investing in education.

|International cooperation is a good way to develop if it is used for education, but many countries are using international cooperation for the construction of facilities. Ports, airports, roads, factories are being constructed with international cooperation funds. The international cooperation is being misled to fields that are not such important such as education. Having the best buildings and the best streets is not the way to indicate how developed a country is. Many countries have “ghost infrastructures”; which means that buildings, ports, airports, etc. are not being used because there is no reason to use them because the foreign investment is leaving the country. They are not using these facilities and because people have no idea about how to use the technologies installed in these building because of their lack of education. Elements that side are effects of the construction of infrastructures such as urban planning, energy use, water management and other elements require nationals with knowledge that they can get only trough quality education.

There have been many international efforts to prove the importance of education. In 2000, the United Nations members adopted the UN Millennium Declaration after establishing the biggest problems the world was facing. Eight millennium goals were established to be accomplished in 2015, one of which was to achieve universal primary education. In 2005 the UN established the agency for the UN Decade of Education for Sustainable Development. In the last decade, The Organization of American States created the Department of Human Development, Education and Employment and UNESCO created the Early Childhood Development Program. These previous programs, agencies and treaties are just a small example of how deeply international organizations care about education for development.

One of the best examples of countries that developed through education is Costa Rica. When you study the economic conditions of the countries near Costa Rica (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua) it is easy to notice how successful the Costa Rican development story is. The army was eliminated in 1948, and the national budget addressed to the army forces has been addressed to education since then. Education has been a fundamental development pillar since 1948; and the investment in education is around 6% and 8% of Costa Rica’s GDP. The high education levels have attracted foreign investors and it also is the incentive of the creation of free-trade zones. Investing in education positioned Costa Rica as one of the countries with the highest levels of foreign direct investment per capita in Latin America and also placed Costa Rica in the 69th position on the Human Development Index worldwide.


In conclusion, governments are taking diverse actions to achieve development, such as free trade agreements, foreign investment and international cooperation to construct facilities, but it seems that all these actions are not improving developing countries’ economies and nationals’ lives. The reason is that, first of all, developing countries’ governments should invest in education because without education the other efforts are useless. Developing countries’ products that are being marketed in the free trade agreements must turn from agriculture to industry, which needs industrial education. Foreign companies investing in developing countries need workers with technological knowledge, and facilities that are being constructed, such as airports and ports also need people with technological knowledge to perform with efficiency. International organizations such as UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) have performed studies that show the importance of education for development. According to UNESCO, poverty can drop 12% globally if nationals of developing countries get basic reading skills. UNESCO also found that an extra year of school increases individuals’ annual salary by 10%, and that GDP rises annually by 0.37% when the population is well educated. Without education, progress in other development indicators such as economy, governance, transport, etc. are stagnant. In other words, education is the best way to achieve development. 

Wednesday, April 6, 2016

Central America – USA Immigration Relations in the Post-International World


The terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001 created almost in every United States citizen an “Anti-muslim” feeling. It is impossible to think in the attacks without thinking about Al-Qaeda, Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan, Middle East and Muslins. But it is also impossible to think about the attacks and think at the same time in Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama, since the Central American region and citizens had nothing to do with the attacks. Even though Central America has nothing to do with 9/11, immigration regulations post 9/11 affected Central Americans more than Middle Easters.

Post-internationalism is a term created by the American political scientist James N. Roseau to describe "an apparent trend in which more of the interactions that sustain world politics unfold without the direct involvement of states." An important characteristic of the post international world is the power of groups of individuals threatening the national security. The event which marked definitively the transition to a post international world was the New York’s terrorist attacks in September 11, 2001. The Post-international world has had effects in many stages of the international life: new laws for international travels, increase in the price of oil, and the priority countries where the U.S.  Financial aid goes.

Geopolitics determines how countries will manage their diplomatic, financial and technological relations with foreign countries based on events that occurs in certain regions and that are a priority for maintaining a good status quo in their foreign relations. The United States is the financial aid world’s top donor, giving financial aid to 143 countries of the 188 member states of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Since financial aid is determined by geopolitical events, financial aid is subject to change depending on the current and future political, economic and social climate. Central America was a priority region to the USA in the 70s, 80s and 90s since it was a region influenced by the socialism of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in the Cold War. With the aim of stopping socialism, the US government helped with financial aid to Central American countries such as Guatemala, El Salvador and Nicaragua while they were living through civil wars. The financial aid was lent to support right-wing rebel groups that were in opposition to the left-wing supporting socialism. Nicaragua received $24 million in financial aid in 1984 alone, to support the rebels against the Sandinista Junta of National Reconstruction, while El Salvador received approximately $1 million daily during the most critical war years according to unofficial sources.

The financial aid relation has been altered after 9/11 since the threat to U.S. national security now comes from a different area that nothing has to do with Central America. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) is lending U.S. financial aid to military related activities in the Middle East. With this money the U.S. Government is trying to control terrorist organizations such as Al Qaeda and the Taliban and also to control the development of nuclear weapons that can be used to attack U.S. territory. Central America’s financial aid in comparison to the financial aid to Middle Eastern countries is a proof of how the U.S. is investing much more money in that region. The financial aid to Central America since 2000 to 2010 was an average of $12 billion every year, while single countries such as Iraq received more than $20 billion in the last decade.  In 2014 USAID gave $1.5 billion to Egypt, $1 billion to Jordan, $1.1 billion to Afghanistan and so on, while Guatemala received just $65 million in financial aid, El Salvador $22 million, Honduras $42 million, Nicaragua $7.6 million, Costa Rica $1.8 million and Panama $3 million. Even if we total the amount given to all the countries in Central America we will not get even close to the amount given to Egypt or Jordan in the same year.  Nowadays, Central America is facing security problems such as gangs and drugs trafficking that are important to the U.S. government, but they are not as important as the battle against terrorism. But the effects of terrorist events to Central America didn’t finish with the 9/11. The France attacks in November 13, 2015 made the Middle East again the priority region to the western countries and their agenda. This means that the financial aid will not be lent again to Central America in the short term. Central America cannot escape of the negative effects of terrorism.

The United States is the trend destination for Central American citizens looking forward to improve their lives condition. Logically, because of the difficulty of getting a visa, millions travel to the United States in an illegal way. Numbers speak for themselves; in 2014 approximately 200,000 Central Americans tried to emigrate to the U.S. illegally. Five days before 9/11 the U.S. president George Bush and the Mexican president Vicente Fox, supported by the former presidents of Central America, signed a treaty to legalize the immigration status of around 3 million illegal immigrants. The effects of the treaty never came to reality since immigration politics changed after 9/11. But even if the Central American countries had nothing to do with 9/11, the majority of undocumented immigrants in the U.S. are Latin Americans and every feasible resolution to solve their immigration status stopped after 9/11. The amount of approved immigrant visas dropped, requirements to get a visa became stricter and deportations increased. From 2001 to 2010, there was a 430% increase of Central American deportees from the U.S. going from 14,452 deportees to 76,603, while Asia where just 34% rise in deportations and 46% from Europe. Deportation of Central Americans results in broken families and the return of people threat by the gangs to Central America. From January 2014 to October 2015, approximately 83 of the Central Americans deportees were killed by the gangs when they returned. This could have been avoided if they if they had not been deported but being poor and lacking of proper paperwork was enough to treat them as criminals at the border. “This is the only time I remember enforcement raids on families of women and children who are fleeing some of the most violent places on the planet,” says Royce Bernstein Murray, director of policy for the National Immigrant Justice Center (2016).

Unfortunately nowadays Central American immigration has been also linked to terrorism. There is a theory which states that al Qaeda have connections with Central American gangs helping with guns transportation in the U.S. border. There was a huge rumor in 2005 that al Qaeda was not moving just traditional guns with the help of gangs but they were moving nuclear weapons to the United Stated specifically with help of the Salvadorian gang Mara Salvatrucha. The idea of Central Americans involved in terrorist actions is also supported by university professors such as the Kuwaiti Abdullah al-Nafisi who stated a theory about jihadists transporting anthrax through drug tunnels coming from Central America and Mexico. Even though there is a lot of speculation about the connection between Central Americans and Middle Eastern terrorist, this connection have been never proved. But the power of speculation is huge. Different institutions such Homeland Security Act and the Enhance Border Security and Visa Reform Act post 9/11 represent a barrier for Central American immigration. Unfortunately, last year’s Paris attacks have brought again the idea of Central American region linked with terrorists which means that U.S. immigration security measures are far away from disappearing. “In addition to thousands of Central Americans fleeing poverty and violence, foreign nationals from countries like Somalia, Bangladesh, Lebanon, and Pakistan are using the region’s human smuggling networks to enter the United States,” said Gen. John Kelly, commander of U.S. Southern Command.

Border security regulations in addition to the level of scrutiny to people seeking to enter to the U.S. have led to disadvantages for getting a legal entrance to the U.S. for Central Americans, such as the increase in VISA fees, training of consular officers to deny VISAS to “suspicious” Central American citizens, and additional requirements for getting a student, work or tourist visas. Many restrictions were created for Central Americans after the 9/11. States such as West Virginia and Utah established stricter laws to prevent Central Americans for getting a driver’s license, Texas canceled many bank accounts and refused to report domestic violence issues in Central American families, California laid off hundreds of immigrant working as baggage screeners in the airports while more American workers were hired in the Border Patrol and National Guard which include nowadays military participation (Blalock & Kadiyali & Simon, 2005).

Immigration effects post 9/11can be noticed more than just in numbers, we can also notice them in physical structures. Since 2006, with the aim of prevent illegal immigration, the ex-president of the United States, George W. Bush, mandated the construction of more than 700 miles of barrier fence in the U.S – Mexican borderline. The U.S.-Mexico border fencing is a wall with sensors and cameras that controls the entrance of undocumented immigrants. The fence’s length is 1,954 miles (3,145 km) but it continues in construction, which means that every year, is increasing in length. At the same time the fence has controlled the entrance of immigrants, it has also increased the number of deaths. With the aim of avoiding the fence, undocumented immigrants are taking the Sonoran Desert or the Baboquivari Mountain in Arizona to get to the U.S. Unfortunately, factors like the weather and rough terrain cause multiple deaths. Approximately 7,000 people have died from 1998 to 2013 trying to cross, many of them Central Americans. Border Patrol Agents have increased gradually from 10,000 agents to 20,700, most of them forgetting about immigrant rights and human rights when they find immigrants trying to cross the border. In addition to the increased militarization in the border, the extension of the fence, and the changes in undocumented immigrant actions, the use of new technologies in the border is improving daily. Technologies such as aerial drones are being used in the border to control illegal immigration, drugs and arms trafficking. The term “immigrant” has turn into “terrorist” which justifies treating them like criminals. 


In conclusion, the post international world has caused many repercussions around the world. Such effects vary from country to country. Even though Central Americans had nothing to do with the 9/11 attacks, they are one of the populations that are suffering the majority of the effects. Approved immigrant visas dropped, requirements to get a visa became stricter, deportations increased, thousands were laid off of their jobs and even a fence was built to control immigration in the U.S. - Mexican border. Do Central Americans deserve there stricter effects even though they did not cause the 9/11 events? As a Central American said once to the New York Times:  "Here there are no Iraqis, no Muslims; we are Central Americans and Mexicans. Yet we are the ones suffering the consequences here" (Swarns, 2003).

Tuesday, March 1, 2016

Viviendo con $246.60 / Living with $246.60

Viviendo con $246.60 


Casa, comida, agua y electricidad son los 4 puntos más importantes en los que distribuimos nuestros ingresos mensuales. San Salvador se encuentra entre las 10 ciudades más caras en cuanto a costo de vida en Latinoamérica. Los precios de cosas comunes como tomar un café en un centro comercial es de $4, cenar en un restaurante $25, una camisa nueva $30, un apartamento $400 mensuales y un recibo de electricidad $50 al mes. Sin embargo, la realidad es esta: EL SALARIO PROMEDIO DE UN SALVADOREÑO ES DE $246.60 AL MES.

El salario mínimo que a la vez es el salario de la gran mayoría es de $246.60 al mes, pero esto puede ser más bajo ya que en el sector rural el salario mensual es de solo $118.20. Es decir, un salvadoreño podrá gastar diariamente tan solo $7.95 al día, la misma cantidad que un estadounidense gana en 1 hora. ¿Imaginas tu vida en una ciudad costosa con solo $246.60 al mes? El salvadoreño no solo lo imagina, lo vive.

El salario bajo se acompaña de abusos como horas extras no pagadas, días feriados no pagados al doble y aguinaldos pagados con retraso. Casa, comida, agua y electricidad son solo lo básico y pagar todo esto con ese salario es imposible. ¿Qué pasa cuando esta persona se enferma y necesita medicina costosa? ¿Qué pasa cuando tiene que pagar la educación de sus hijos? ¿Qué pasa cuando el precio de la canasta básica alimenticia aumenta? Estos gastos tan necesarios son vistos para nosotros como “un lujo”.

Tanto en inglés como en español tenemos la frase de “esto me costó un ojo de la cara” (it cost me an arm and a leg) para referirnos a un producto que adquirimos a un precio costoso. ¿Qué pasa cuando esta frase ya no es solo una broma sino una realidad? En El Salvador estamos a un paso de esto.

La donación altruista de sangre en El salvador es de apenas 8.85% anual lo que causa graves problemas a nivel médico. El pasado mes de febrero la Cruz Roja Salvadoreña con apoyo de TIGO lanzó una campaña de donación de sangre a cambio de sortear entradas para el concierto de la banda británica de Heavy Metal Iron Maiden. Y este día, decenas de salvadoreños acudieron al banco de sangre a donar con tal de tener un momento de diversión que no puede costear de ninguna manera con tan bajo salario. El acto de donar sangre no es lo que me causa impresión, si no que el “por qué” de la donación. 
Este es un ejemplo que en el salvador es fácil mover masas, comprar el apoyo político y manipular ofreciendo cosas tan básicas y normales en otros países (como el ticket para un concierto) pero que el salvadoreño no puede tener ni en sus mejores sueños. 


Living with $246.60

Housing, food, water and electricity bills are 4 important ways in which we spend our monthly incomes. San Salvador is part of the top 10 of expensive cities in Latin America. You can expend $4 when you go out to drink a cup of coffee, $25 to have dinner in a restaurant, $30 for a new shirt, $400 for your apartment rent and $50 in your electricity bill. But the reality is this: THE AVERAGE WAGE FOR A SALVADORIAN IS $246.60 PER MONTH.

The minimum wage is at the same time the wage of the majority, but it can be lower most of all in the rural areas where the minimum wage is $118.20. It means that a Salvadorian can spend around $7.95 daily, the same amount a US citizen earns in 1 hour. Can you imagine your life in an expensive city with just $246.60 monthly? Salvadorians don’t imagine this, they live this reality.

The low wage includes other kind of labor abuses like extra hours without payment, holidays without double payment and more. Housing, food, electricity and water bills are just the basics and even thought paying these is difficult. What will happen when this person get sick and need expensive medicine? What happen when they start paying their children tuition? What happen when food cost has an increase? These expenses are seen for Salvadorians as “luxury” that they are not able to pay.

“It cost me an arm and a leg” is a quote we use when we purchase something expensive but we say that as a joke. What happen when it is not a joke anymore? In El Salvador we are almost there. 
The altruistic blood donation in El Salvador is really low (8.85% annually) the effects are critical for medical practices. However, last February Red Cross Organization did a campaign of blood donation in exchange of tickets for the concert of the British heavy metal band Iron Maiden. Dozens of Salvadorians came to donate blood because they wanted to live a fun experience (the concert) that they can afford with the low wage they earn. I am not surprised because of the blood donation itself, I am surprised because of the reasons behind the donation. 
This is a good example how easy is   to “buy” a Salvadorian, buy their trust, their politic decisions and manipulate them with basic things that are normal in other countries such as a concert ticket, but things that a normal Salvadorian can have just in their dreams.