Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 6 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 6

“Pero además le vamos a pagar los Colombianos, nosotros los más pendejos de todos y las victimas, 2,300 millones de pesos plata que no tienen los partidos hoy, para que promuevan su ideología comunista. Ideología que lleva 200 millones de muertos en el mundo, ideología que hoy esta proscrita en Lituania, Letonia. Estonia, Republica Checa, Eslovaquia, Polonia, ¡PROHIBIDA! Porque ellos salieron del infierno. No, nosotros queremos entrar (al infierno) pero con toda velocidad por cuenta de Juan Manuel Santos que se ganó una elección gracias al presidente Uribe, porque nunca hubiera sido presidente de nada. Son personas que no deben subir al poder jamás”

Opinión de Senadora de Centro Democrático en cuanto a la representación Política de FARC

El día inició con la visita al Museo de Oro y el Museo de Botero. La cultura de Colombia ha sido rica desde siempre, desde sus épocas precolombinas hasta la actualidad.

Museo del Oro del Banco de la República

Museo del Oro del Banco de la República

La tarde se pasó rápido gracias a la clase del Profesor Miguel García. Esta clase nos mostró interesantes aspectos del conflicto y acuerdo de paz de una manera estadística. Me sorprende que según información estadística existe cierta aprobación de tener un ex-militante de FARC como vecino. En contraste a lo anterior, existe baja aprobación que los hijos e hijas de los entrevistados tengan como amigo o amiga un ex-militante de FARC, ¿Puedo determinar con esto que la reconciliación no es sincera?

El Profesor García también nos explica que la época de conflicto entre liberales y conservadores ha terminado. En la actualidad el conflicto se basa en “Uribismo” contra la coalición del gobierno. Este pudo haber sido un dato fácil de eliminar en mi memoria; sin embargo, lo que pasó horas más tarde hizo este dato el más importante del día.

Lecture with Professor Miguel Garcia 

Students after professor Miguel Garcia's lecture

Mi deseo de escuchar cada opinión posible en cuanto al proceso de paz me llevó a una reunión privada con opositores del acuerdo y representantes políticos del partido de Uribe, Centro Democrático. Antes de llegar a la reunión tomo un taxi y entablo una conversación con Bryan, un joven de 22 años que trabaja como taxista. Bryan me cuenta que el no votó porque sabía que el gobierno haría todo por aprobar el acuerdo aún si el pueblo votara por el no. Al preguntarle si él cree que FARC respetará los términos del acuerdo, su respuesta es simple: “FARC respetará el acuerdo siempre y cuando el gobierno le cumpla todo lo que le prometió.”

Al realizar mi análisis del conflicto sobre el proceso de paz en Colombia el semestre pasado, una de las recomendaciones fue que el discurso de Uribe debía cambiar y que el debía usar su influencia para unir al pueblo colombiano y aceptar el acuerdo. En la realidad pasa lo contrario, el discurso que divide a los colombianos es una realidad. La reunión privada me dejó claro que los “Uribistas” no darán un paso atrás, su discurso es claro: NO AL ACUERDO, NO A SANTOS. Mi colega realiza una pregunta al final de la conferencia: ¿En caso que Centro Democrático gane las próximas elecciones presidenciales, que cambios se realizarán al acuerdo? Entre risas recibimos la siguiente respuesta: “todo.”

Las palabras de Bryan se hacen aún más importantes, “FARC respetará el acuerdo siempre y cuando el gobierno le cumpla todo lo que le prometió.” En caso de ganar la presidencia, Centro Democrático cambiará “TODO.”

Private meeting with representatives from Democratic Center

Posdata: Quisiera que paz y justicia tengan el sabor de mi almuerzo de hoy día. 

Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 6

“But we are going to pay, the Colombians, we the most stupid of all, and the victims! 2,300 millions of pesos, money that even the current political parties do not have today, with the goal of promoting their communist ideology. An ideology that has killed 200 millions of individuals in the world, an ideology that now is prohibited in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland… Prohibit! Because they got out of hell. But we want to enter to hell with high speed because of Juan Manuel Santos that won the elections because of President Uribe, otherwise, he would be the president of nothing. Those people should never be in power.”

Senator of Centro Democratico talking about FARC as a political party. 

The day started visiting the Gold Museum and the Museum of Botero. The culture of Colombia has been always rich, since the colonial period. 

The afternoon was so interesting because of the Professor Miguel Garcia’s lecture. This class taught us interesting aspects of the conflict and the peace accords in a statistical way. I was surprised that according to statistical information there is certain approval of having an ex-FARC member as their neighbors. In contrast to the above, there is a low approval rate of having an ex-FARC member as a friend of their son or daughter. Can I say with this that reconciliation is not honest? 

Professor Garcia also told us that the conflict between Liberals and conservatives has over. He said that nowadays the conflict in the government is based on “Uribismo” against Santos supporters. This could have been a fact without importance, but what happen later made this fact the most important of the day. 

My desire to listen to every possible opinion about the peace process took me to a private meeting with opponents of the peace accords and representatives of Uribe’s political party, Centro Democratico. I took a taxi to get to the meeting and I started a conversation with my taxi driver. Bryan is young, he is only 22, he told me that he didn’t vote because he knew the government would do everything to implement the peace accords even if Colombians voted "no" in the referendum. I asked him if he thinks that FARC will comply with the accord, his answer was simple: “FARC will comply as long as the government complies with everything they promised to them.” When I did my conflict analysis about Colombia last semester, one of the recommendations was that Uribe needed to change his speech, try to unify the Colombians, and accept the peace accord. In reality, what happens is the opposite, Centro Democratico is dividing Colombians. The conclusion I have from the private meeting is that Uribistas are not stepping back. Their speech is clear: NO TO THE PEACE ACCORD, NO TO SANTOS. My college asked, “If Centro Democratico wins the presidential elections, which changes would you make to the peace agreement?” They started laughing and we got the following answer: ALL. 

The words my taxi driver Bryan told me are now more important than ever: “FARC will comply as long as the government complies with everything they promised to them,” but let’s keep in mind the answer of Centro Democratico, in the case of winning the presidential elections they will change ALL.

PS. I would like that peace and justice taste like today’s lunch! 

Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 5 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 5

“Yo voté 'no'  porque mi amigo que es abogado me dijo que votara por el no”

Don Miguel, seudónimo

Cada día aquí se torna más interesante. Temas de los que no poseo mucho conocimiento como desmovilización, desarme y reintegración así como el tema de reconciliación, han sido desarrollados hoy día. Claro, he escuchado sobre estos temas con anterioridad pero el verlos aplicados a un caso real mejora el entendimiento de manera inigualable. Estar acá me hace entender también las limitaciones de mi previa investigación en el caso de Colombia que fue basada en desk research mayoritariamente.  

Desk research es un constante desafío: la información no es neutral, diferentes versiones de un mismo hecho y uno no sabe ni que creer, y hay información que no se encuentra por ningún lado. En conclusión, nada puede compararse con la calidad informativa de las fuentes primarias. Por esta razón, me ha dado a la tarea de complementar mis clases con la opinión popular. Me encontré con Don Miguel vendiendo en el Parque de los Periodistas en la Candelaria, un señor muy amable y lleno de alegría que sin embargo fue víctima de la desinformación pre-referéndum. Su voto se basó en la influencia de terceros que aprovecharon la desinformación del contenido del acuerdo para ganar lealtad de gente humilde como Don Miguel. 

Peace Process YES, President Santos NO. 

Don Miguel Me cuenta que él le tiene miedo a los guerrilleros, que él no quiere tenerlos de vecinos porque el no olvida el sufrimiento y extorsiones que los miembros de FARC le exigían. Curiosamente, la frase de “yo no olvido” no es exclusiva de Don Miguel si no que es parte de muchos colombianos que incluso la incluyen en su arte callejero.

"We don't forget" 

También me puse a hablar con Don Alberto (seudónimo), un taxista con entrenamiento académico que debido a cuestiones de la vida (¿O debo decir cuestiones de la violencia estructural?) no fue capaz de encontrar un trabajo diferente que el de manejar su taxi. Don Alberto votó por el “sí”, el reconoce que la desinformación que rodeó el periodo pre-referedum y lo que él llama “el fanatismo hacia Uribe” hizo que la población colombiana bloqueara sus sentidos de la vista y del oído a cualquier ventaja que representaba el “sí”, resultando en el gane del “no”.          

Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 5

“I voted 'no' because my friend, who is a lawyer, told me to vote no” 
Don Miguel, pseudonym

Every day is more interesting. I have not a lot of knowledge in topics like demobilization, disarmament, reintegration, and reconciliation, however; all these topics have been explained in depth in this class. Of course, I have heard about this topics before but study them applied to a real case makes me understand them better. Being here makes me also understand the limitations of my previous research about Colombia which was mostly based on desk research. 

Desk research is a challenge, the information is not always neutral. Desk research shows many versions of the same issue, sometimes you don’t know what to believe, but there is also information that you need and it is difficult to find. In conclusion, nothing can be compared with the quality of the information that comes from primary sources. For this reason, I am trying to complement the lectures with popular opinion. I found Don Miguel selling in the Journalist Park at La Candelaria, he was a really kind guy, full of joy. However, he was a victim of the pre-referendum misinformation. His vote was based on the influence of third parties. Third parties took advantage of his ignorance and they miscommunicated the content of the accord to win the loyalty of people like Don Miguel. 

Don Miguel told me that he is afraid of the guerrilleros. He doesn’t want to have them as their neighbors because he does not forget the suffering and the extortions he faced. Curiously, the phrase “I do not forget” is not exclusive from Don Miguel, many Colombians use it, even in street art. 


I was also talking with Don Alberto (pseudonym), a taxi driver with academic training that because of life situations (or should I said because of situations of structural violence?) was not able to find a different job than driving a taxi. Don Alberto voted “yes,” he recognizes that the referendum’s misinformation and what he calls “Uribe’s fanaticism” made Colombians blocking her senses of sight and hearing to any advantage of the “yes,” which resulted in the majority of Colombians voting “no”.

Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 4 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day

“Los Colombianos no están emocionalmente preparados para votar.”
Marta (seudónimo)

¡Esta clase se ha vuelto una aventura! No solo estoy desarrollando mi conocimiento sobre el conflicto en Colombia sino que también muchas otras destrezas como por ejemplo traducir de inglés a español. Mi destreza de realizar presentaciones también ha sido desarrollada en esta clase, he tenido que sacudirme los miedos y exponer ante todos mis colegas mi investigación sobre la justicia transicional en Colombia.

Este día analicé el conflicto desde 2 diferentes perspectivas, la perspectiva académica y la perspectiva artística.

La visita a la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana me permitió entender la dinámica de diferentes actores en el conflicto y como estos se relacionan. La consecución de paz en Colombia ha desafiado ideas que yo tomaba “for granted.” Viniendo de una familia católica, siempre he tenido la idea de que el rol de la iglesia es unir, pero en Colombia lo que la iglesia hizo fue dividir a la población en cuanto al voto en el referéndum.

El tour de grafiti en Bogotá me mostro algo que pocas veces tomamos en cuenta en la construcción de la paz: el rol del arte. El arte es una manera de expresarse y también la manera de rebelarse contra instituciones del gobierno. 

"Our north is the south"

¿Será que los monstruos que tantas veces son representados en el arte callejero no son en realidad animales míticos sino que individuos reales miembros del gobierno y FARC que por tantos años han aterrorizado al pueblo?

Mythical monsters

Gracias al trabajo de estos jóvenes encontré por primera vez el sonido de la paz y justicia: me suena a rebeldía. Pero también le encontré olor: me huele a rosas.

Para terminar con mi reflexión de este día, aún no se si quiero que paz y justicia se mire como Monserrate. Con lo anterior me refiero a que quiero que se vean tan hermosas con este lugar, pero no quiero que se vean tan altas y tan alejadas de la población… como esa cima de la montaña que es tan difícil de alcanzar. 

Monserrate 

Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 4

“Colombians are not emotionally prepared to vote.” 

Marta (pseudonym)

This class has become an adventure! I am not only developing my knowledge about the conflict but skills such as translating from English to Spanish. My skills of giving presentations are also being developed, I needed to forget my fears and present in front of my collages about my transitional justice in Colombia research . 

This day I analyzed the conflict through 2 different perspectives, the academic perspective, and the art perspective. 

I visited Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and it let me understand the dynamics of the different actors in the conflict and the relation between them. Peace in Colombia has challenged ideas that I took for granted. Coming from a Catholic family, I have always had the idea that the role of the Catholic Church is to unify people, however; in Colombia, I have learned that the church created a division influencing population's vote in the referendum. 

The graffiti tour in Bogota showed me something we often forget in peacebuilding: the role of art. Art is a way to express but also a way to rebel against governmental institutions.  

Maybe the monsters that are represented so many times in the street art are not representations of mythical animals but the representation of real members of the government and FARC that have terrified the populations for so many years? 

Thanks to the work of these young people I found for the first time the sound of peace and justice: It sounds to rebellion. But I also found the smell of peace and justice: It smells like roses. 

To conclude today’s reflection, I am not sure if I want peace and justice to look like Monserrate. With this, I mean that I would like peace and justice to look as beautiful as Monserrate, but I don’t want them to look as high and as far from the population… like a mountain summit that is so hard to reach. 

Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 3 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 3

Bogotá me entra de manera diferente por la vista. Este día participé en el tour por la ciudad que nos llevó desde el hotel a lugares como Monserrate y Candelaria.

Bogota landscape

La vista desde Monserrate me dejo un sabor amargo en cuanto al tema de victimas del conflicto que han sido desplazados internamente. Bogotá tiene un aproximado de 10 millones, lo que significa que una tan sola ciudad en Colombia cuenta con más población que mi país entero (El Salvador). El guía turístico nos cuenta que en el año 2000 la población era de aproximadamente 4 millones, me asombré al pensar que en tan solo 17 años la población en Bogotá incremento a 10 millones.

“The nation is thankful with its peace funders in the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Wisconsin Treaty which put an end to the last civil war.” 1942. 

El sentido del tacto lo use con los pies al caminar por Candelaria, un vecindario totalmente diferente al de mi hotel. Al caminar en downtown Bogotá me encuentro con un letrero que dice “la nación agradecida a los fundadores de la paz en el cuadragésimo aniversario de la firma del tratado de Wisconsin que puso fin a la última guerra civil.” ¿Última guerra civil? ¿Cuándo es correcto usar la palabra “última”? Colombia ha vivido en constante violencia y guerra desde su independencia. Los fundadores de la paz pensaron que 1942 era la última guerra que Colombia iba a sufrir, sin embargo, la violación de derechos de la minoría siempre desencadenará en rebeliones.

Elders working in the informal sector singing at the park

Elder working in the informal sector selling umbrellas

¿Será que los fundadores de la paz que firmaron el acuerdo de paz en 2016 también piensan que esta será “la última guerra civil”? Mi vista hoy día no vio gente elegante caminando por la calle, sino que vio a la población vulnerable con trabajos informales que no les darán los medios financieros necesarios para una vida digna. Cuando la población no recibe beneficios y sus derechos son violados, las rebeliones regresarán una tras otra vez. 

Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 3

I have internalized Bogota in a different way through my sight. This day I participated in a city tour that took us from the hotel to places such as Monserrate and Candelaria.  

The scenery of Bogota from Monserrate left me a bitter taste in regards to the internally displaced population. Bogota’s population is about 10 million, which means that only in the city of Bogota you can find more people that in my entire country, El Salvador. The tourist guide told us that in 2000 Bogota’s population was about 4 million. I got surprised that it took only 17 years to increase its population to 10 million. 

I used the sense of touch through my feet while walking in Candelaria, a neighborhood that is totally different to the neighborhood where my hotel is located. While walking in downtown Bogota I found a sign that says “The nation is thankful with its peace funders in the fortieth anniversary of the signing of the Wisconsin Treaty which put an end to the last civil war.” Last civil war? When is it correct to use the word “last”? Colombia has faced constant violence since its Independence from Spain. The peace founders thought that 1942 represented the last war that Colombia would face, however; the violation of rights has resulted in rebellions. 

Maybe the peace funders that signed the 2016 peace treaty also think that this will be “the last civil war”? Today my sight did not see elegant people walking in the street, it saw vulnerable Colombians working in the informal sector. This kind of jobs will not give them the financial means for having a good life. When the populations do not get benefits and when their rights are violated, rebellions will come back over and over again. 

Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 2 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 2

“No se puede condenar a alguien que ha hecho tanto bien a nuestro país.”
Activista Luisa hablando sobre militares con juicios pendientes en la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz

Me parece que el sentido más difícil de usar en cuanto al entendimiento de la paz y la justicia es el gusto. Este día Colombia ha tenido sabor a empanadas, pan dulce y café. Aún sigo buscando las maneras de entender paz y justicia con el gusto. Pero he dado un primer paso: cada vez que pregunto algo sobre el conflicto o los acuerdos de paz, el entrevistado traga profundo, ¿será que ese trago tiene un gusto amargo?

"Without youth, there is not post-conflict" 

Este día he visitado Usaquén y sus calles llenas de restaurantes y comercios informales, perfectos para comprar productos típicos que mantendrán fresco el recuerdo de Colombia en mi memoria. Pero hay algo que roba por completo mi sentido de la vista: un cartel que reza “SIN JUVENTUD NO HAY POSCONFLICTO” y un grupo de aproximadamente 10 personas que se oponen al acuerdo de paz. La conversación con los activistas se torna interesante: desacuerdo en cuanto a militares siendo enjuiciados por la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz, desacuerdo en cuanto a la participación política de FARC en el congreso, desacuerdo en cuanto a comandantes de FARC siendo incluidos a la vida civil. “Desacuerdo” fue una palabra importante en mi oración anterior, sin embargo; hay algo en lo que los activistas están de acuerdo: reinserción en la vida civil de miembros de FARC que son jóvenes y que fueron secuestrados cuando eran niños.

Escuchar las perspectivas de este grupo de activistas me muestra la división que existe en la sociedad colombiana. Hasta el momento he hablado con Colombianos que han “escogido un lado” pero no alguien neutral. Aunque existen mecanismos de reconciliación, el gobierno colombiano tiene un largo trabajo en la creación de  una cultura de paz ya que las experiencias y sufrimientos personales limitan el alcance de prácticas reconciliatorias. La cultura de resentimiento,producto de experiencias personales, es importante al analizar Colombia. La población ha sido dividida y ha escogido un lado en base, tomando en consideración las historias de los activistas y diferentes taxistas, a experiencias personales que incluyen el asesinato de un familiar, o la negación de un subsidio agrícola.

Simon Bolivar monument at Usaquen Park 

¿Cómo podemos lograr el sueño de Bolivar de una Latino América unida si ni siquiera hay unión a nivel doméstico/nacional? 

Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 2

“They cannot prosecute people that has done so much good to our country”
Luisa, activist talking about army forces being prosecuted by the Special Jurisdiction for Peace

I believe that the “sense” more difficult to use in regards to the understanding of peace and justice is the taste. This day Colombia has had the taste of empanadas, sweet bread, and coffee. I am still looking a way to understand peace and justice through the taste. However, I have given my first step: every time that I ask about the conflict or the peace accords, the interviewee swallows deep. Maybe it taste bitter when they swallow?

This day I have visited Usaquen and its streets have many restaurants and street vendors, a perfect place to buy crafts and traditional products that will keep fresh in my memory my experience in Colombia. There is something that took all my sight’s attention: a huge sign that says “without youth, there is not post-conflict” conducted by a group of 10 Colombians that opposed to the peace accord. The conversation with the activist resulted really interesting: disagreement in regards to the prosecution of the army by the Special Jurisdiction for Peace. I also learned about the disagreement of FARC in politics and reintegrating to civil life. “Disagreement” was an important word in my last sentence, however; there is something the activists agree with: reintegration of child soldiers.

Listening to the activists’ perspective showed me the division Colombian population has. Until now I have spoken with Colombians that chosen “a side” but I haven’t spoken with someone “neutral.” Even though Colombia has reconciliation mechanism, the Colombian government needs to work a lot in the culture of peace because the personal experiences and the suffering limits reconciliation. The culture of resentment is the result of personal experiences that every Colombian has suffered. Colombia is divided, people have chosen a side (at least the people I have spoken until now) based on personal experiences that include the murder of their family members or the denial of agricultural subsidies.


How can we achieve Bolivar’s dream of a united Latin America (regionally) if we can’t even unite individuals at the domestic level?

Construcción de la paz en el periodo post-conflicto, caso Colombia. Día 1 / Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 1

“El verdadero enemigo es el gobierno.”
Rolando, conductor de taxis en Bogotá

Paz y justicia son palabra que he escuchado desde mi infancia, son palabras que uso a diario y, son palabras que los medios de comunicación presentan día con día. A pesar que paz y justicia son palabras que transcienden fronteras, clases sociales, idiomas y muchas otras barreras; su carácter abstracto lleva a cada uno de nosotros a entenderlas y utilizarlas de diferentes maneras. Mi definición, por ejemplo, desafía incluso la naturaleza abstracta; paz y justicia son términos concretos de carácter sensorial. La paz y la justicia se miran, se tocan, se escuchan, e incluso se saborean y se huelen.

Durante los últimos 7 meses he realizado investigaciones sobre el conflicto armado en Colombia. La primera etapa de mi investigación fue el análisis del conflicto para posteriormente iniciar la segunda etapa de mi investigación basada en los mecanismos de justicia transicional incluidos en el acuerdo de paz. Sin embargo, mi concepto sensorial de paz y justicia aún no hacian sentido. La mejor manera de concluir estas etapas era iniciando una tercera: viajar a Colombia para ver, tocar, escuchar, saborear y oler en tiempo real el periodo post conflicto. Esta oportunidad se hizo realidad por medio de University of San Diego Joan B. Kroc School of Peace Studies, el staff académico y administrativo, y una beca de apoyo financiero.

Este día inició muy temprano, a media noche para ser exactos. Luego de 16 horas de viaje desde San Diego, California, al fin aterricé en Bogotá. Me encuentro ansiosa por estar presente en la capital del país del que tanto he leído. A pesar de tener pocas horas acá, mis sentidos empiezan a ser usados. Don Rolando, mi taxista del aeropuerto hacia el hotel, me cuenta la historia de su familia que ha aplicado por años  a subsidios agrícolas sin tener éxito. Don Rolando también me cuenta sobre su desacuerdo al subsidio agrícola que será entregado a FARC. Me cuenta que el enemigo no es FARC, sino que el enemigo es el gobierno que sigue explotando al obrero con falta de incentivos económicos e incremento de impuestos. Mi vista se siente confundida ya que luego de caminar por unas cuadras en busca de señales del conflicto, aún no le veo. A Bogotá le veo linda, con sus edificios modernos, restaurantes prestigiosos y gente muy elegante caminando por las calles.

Aún hay mucho por descubrir, mis sentidos siguen ansiosos por entender Colombia. 

Post-Conflict Peacebuilding in Colombia. Day 1 

“The real enemy is the government”
Rolando, Taxi driver in Bogota

Peace and Justice are words that I have heard since my childhood. Those are words that I use daily, and those words are also used every day in media. Despite that peace and justice are words used all over the world, used by poor and rich, and used in every language; the abstract meaning of these words makes us all understand them and use them in different ways. My definition, for example, goes beyond an “abstract definition,” peace and justice are for me specific and sensorial terms. We can see, touch, hear, and even taste and smell peace and justice.

During the last 7 months, I have been doing research about the civil war and the peace process in Colombia. The first stage of my research was the conflict analysis. The second stage was the mechanisms of Transitional Justice in Colombia. However, my “sensorial concept” of peace and justice did not make sense. The best way of making sense of my sensorial concept was starting the third stage: traveling to Colombia to see, touch, listen, taste and smell in real time the post-conflict, the peace, and the justice. This is an opportunity that I have gotten through the University of San Diego Joan B. Kroc School of Peace Studies, the academic and administrative staff, and a scholarship to pay for my traveling expenses.

This day started really early, actually, it started at midnight. After 16 hours traveling from San Diego California, I finally landed in Bogota. Even though I have only a few hours here, my senses have started to be used. Don Rolando, my taxi driver from the airport to my hotel tells me about his family struggle while asking for agricultural subsidies that were always denied. He also tells me that he disagrees with the agricultural subsidies that FARC members will get. He tells me that the enemy is not FARC per se but the government. The government does not give financial help to civilians but they do increase taxes.


My sight is confused because after walking for some blocks in Bogota I cannot see the conflict. I think Bogota is beautiful, it has nice buildings, fancy restaurants, and people wearing elegant clothes in its streets. I have a lot to explore, my senses cannot wait for understanding Bogota. 

Education for Development. What Central America Needs to Develop.

The criteria to classify a country as a developed country or a developing country revolves around their Gross Domestic Product and the Human Development Index. Taking these criteria into consideration, the World Bank has created a list of more than 100 developing countries. Considering that the United Nations is formed of 193 countries, having more than 100 developing countries in the world is alarming. Developing countries face numerous problems such as unemployment, corruption, economic inequality, and a wide external debt. With the aim of solving these problems, developing countries are investing a large amount of their national budget in actions such as signing free trade agreements, opening the borders to foreign investment, and asking for international cooperation to construct facilities. However, many international organizations suggest that developing countries should invest in education and consider it as the best way to achieve development in the long term.

Developing countries are constantly signing free trade agreements with developed countries. Governments and economy ministries of the developing countries do this with the objective of selling their products in a market in which people have better purchasing power to buy the products even if they are expensive. The regulations will be the same for the 2 parties in the agreement but competition of products will not be equal because their capabilities are not the same. The developed country’s products are often of better quality than the products of the developing country, which means that consumers will prefer the developed countries’ products. In addition, developing countries’ products are crops and farm products that hardly can compete with the technological products of the developed countries. What is the best way to turn the developing countries’ farm products into technological products? The answer is: through education. It is not the same to plant some crops as to create a new model of computer. Nationals of the developing countries must acquire the knowledge that will lead them to an industrial production of products that can compete in equal conditions with developed countries products. A Free Trade Agreement will be useful and fair until there´s equality in the capacity of competition between trade parties.

Developing countries are trying to attract foreign investment with the objective of increasing job opportunities for their nationals. But to be attractive for investment, developing countries must give privileges to the foreign companies, such as tax privileges. Many companies investing don’t need to pay import and goods taxes, and there is no customs control for their goods and services. We can find a trend in the developing countries which is that even though foreign investment provides job opportunities, these companies stay in the developing countries just for a few years. Now is the time to ask ourselves: why the foreign companies are leaving? It is because they don’t find qualified personnel to perform tasks the job demands. Developing countries nationals don’t have the knowledge and competencies to perform activities that demand a certain degree of specialization. They do not have this knowledge because their governments are not investing in education.

|International cooperation is a good way to develop if it is used for education, but many countries are using international cooperation for the construction of facilities. Ports, airports, roads, factories are being constructed with international cooperation funds. The international cooperation is being misled to fields that are not such important such as education. Having the best buildings and the best streets is not the way to indicate how developed a country is. Many countries have “ghost infrastructures”; which means that buildings, ports, airports, etc. are not being used because there is no reason to use them because the foreign investment is leaving the country. They are not using these facilities and because people have no idea about how to use the technologies installed in these building because of their lack of education. Elements that side are effects of the construction of infrastructures such as urban planning, energy use, water management and other elements require nationals with knowledge that they can get only trough quality education.

There have been many international efforts to prove the importance of education. In 2000, the United Nations members adopted the UN Millennium Declaration after establishing the biggest problems the world was facing. Eight millennium goals were established to be accomplished in 2015, one of which was to achieve universal primary education. In 2005 the UN established the agency for the UN Decade of Education for Sustainable Development. In the last decade, The Organization of American States created the Department of Human Development, Education and Employment and UNESCO created the Early Childhood Development Program. These previous programs, agencies and treaties are just a small example of how deeply international organizations care about education for development.

One of the best examples of countries that developed through education is Costa Rica. When you study the economic conditions of the countries near Costa Rica (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua) it is easy to notice how successful the Costa Rican development story is. The army was eliminated in 1948, and the national budget addressed to the army forces has been addressed to education since then. Education has been a fundamental development pillar since 1948; and the investment in education is around 6% and 8% of Costa Rica’s GDP. The high education levels have attracted foreign investors and it also is the incentive of the creation of free-trade zones. Investing in education positioned Costa Rica as one of the countries with the highest levels of foreign direct investment per capita in Latin America and also placed Costa Rica in the 69^th position on the Human Development Index worldwide.

In conclusion, governments are taking diverse actions to achieve development, such as free trade agreements, foreign investment and international cooperation to construct facilities, but it seems that all these actions are not improving developing countries’ economies and nationals’ lives. The reason is that, first of all, developing countries’ governments should invest in education because without education the other efforts are useless. Developing countries’ products that are being marketed in the free trade agreements must turn from agriculture to industry, which needs industrial education. Foreign companies investing in developing countries need workers with technological knowledge, and facilities that are being constructed, such as airports and ports also need people with technological knowledge to perform with efficiency. International organizations such as UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) have performed studies that show the importance of education for development. According to UNESCO, poverty can drop 12% globally if nationals of developing countries get basic reading skills. UNESCO also found that an extra year of school increases individuals’ annual salary by 10%, and that GDP rises annually by 0.37% when the population is well educated. Without education, progress in other development indicators such as economy, governance, transport, etc. are stagnant. In other words, education is the best way to achieve development.